Sunday, January 26, 2020

Effects of Globalization on World Politics

Effects of Globalization on World Politics This paper considers the role that globalization has played in changing the nature of world politics. It explores the idea that such effects can be visualized in two separate spheres: the domestic, and the international. It pays particular attention to the role of what Risse terms ‘Transnational Actors’, a complex aggregation of bodies which he has placed into two main categories: firstly, that of structure, which may either formal or informal, and secondly, that of motivation, which may be ‘instrumental’ – i.e., constituted around the need to achieve shared membership objectives, or more general bodies constructed around the need to promote a common good. Within these two dimensions, Risse also notes the presence of sub-categories of organization, such as ‘epistemic communities’ and advocacy networks. (Risse 2002: pp.255-256). What has to be considered here is whether or not the cumulative efforts of these bodies are in effect producing real change in world politics, and if so, how an such change be recognised and assessed? Ultimately, the question is whether or not the phenomenon of globalization, or its associated political effects, are the arbiters of a genuinely new form of international relations, or merely the re-working of older models and protocols. As Risse puts it, ‘†¦there is little systematic evidence to sustain claims that the transnational â€Å"society world† has somehow overtaken the â€Å"state world†.’ (Risse 2002: p.255). If this is accepted, the corollary is a largely unchanged set of underlying relationships between sovereign states, with all that implies for economic interaction and the social dynamic. As Hurrell and Woods point out, ‘†¦Economic liberalization is exacerbating the gap between rich and poor within virtually all developing regions. At the same time, other elements of globalization are increasing the inequalities of political power and in fluence, as well as highlighting new dimensions of inequality.’ (Hurrell and Woods 1999: p.1) Correspondingly, it is argued here, the underlying economic nature of globalization tends to make it profoundly adaptive of established international interaction. In the first instance, it may be helpful to give definition to otherwise vague notions of globalization, giving full consideration to the ways in which the phenomenon cuts across the political sphere. There are many such definitions to choose from, several of which offer competing or overlapping sets of characteristics: central to all of these is the idea that formerly discrete social and economic dimensions are being drawn into closer proximity and eventual convergence. For example, as Fisher and Lovell argue that , ‘Globalisation is a process which is bringing societies that were previously economically, politically and culturally diverse into convergence. That is being achieved by a combination of the success of capitalism, the growth of a common mass culture†¦and the wish of people in all societies, through their rational choices, to choose the same goals.’ (Fisher and Lovell 2003: p.256). It is the proliferation of interaction in the non-governmental spheres, b oth public and private, which collectively constitutes the novel dimensions of contemporary globalization. As Risse explains, ‘†¦the concept encompasses everything as long as human agency is involved, Yet, cross-border capital flows, international trade, CNN media broadcasts, international migration, cross-border tourism, the diffusion of values and norms, transnational social movements, INGO’s and MNC’s are quite different phenomena.’ (Risse 2002: p.274). Some commentators take a more benign and reductive view of the whole process. Hart, for example, argues that ‘Properly focused, the profit motive can accelerate (not inhibit) the transformation toward global sustainability, with nonprofits, governments and multinational agencies all playing crucial roles as collaborators and watchdogs.’ (Hart 2007: p.3) Hart’s optimism seems to be predicated on the idea that capitalism will bring with it the twin benefits of a free market and a free society, although events have demonstrated that this is not always the case: former state capitalist models eschewed such models, and contemporary variants, such as the Chinese example, have not necessarily seen commerce and political liberalism as intrinsically linked. In fact, as the case of the journalist Shi Tao illustrates, arbiters of e.commerce such as Yahoo, Microsoft and Google have, on occasion, been co-opted into the repressive arms of an obdurately repressive state. The res ult has been a voluntary code of ethics, which, as Dickie and Waters report, has yet to prove itself in the international arena: ‘†¦designed to reduce the risk that their actions lead to human rights abuses in China and other countries. The principles, written in conjunction with two human rights groups, are a reaction to the fierce public criticism that all three faced two years ago for bowing to various degrees to Chinese internet controls.’ (Dickie and Waters 2008). Furthermore, as Risse indicates, there are historical precedents for doubting the efficacy of liberalized commerce in the diminution of international tensions. As he reminds us, the cumulative free-trade panaceas of pro-liberal optimists such as Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill and Kant were largely displaced by the events of 1914-18. ‘†¦the First World War, which was fought among highly interdependent nations, discredited the idea that economic interdependence alone is a sufficient condition for peace in the absence of democracy.’ (Risse 2002: p.257) In other words, there was a primacy of politics which obdurately and arbitrarily overruled any supposedly benign panaceas inherent in the market. Again, it is possible to see the reworking of much older debates within the idea of a new world order being created in this way. As Risse points out, ‘The controversy about the precise relationship between economic interests, capitalism and economic interdependence, on the one hand, and aggressive/imperialist foreign policies as well as peace and war, continues to this day.’ (Risse 2002: p.257). The empirical contexts for such debate are various, and may be seen especially in the supplanting of the Pax Britannica with the Pax Americana, and all that implies for the continuity of an inequitable distribution of political and economic power between sovereign communities. Moreover, the apparently benign internationalism of the post 1945 environment has itself been supplanted by a far more postmodernist atmosphere, as evidenced by the actions of the UK in the Falklands Islands conflict, and both the UK and the US in Iraq. As Hurrell and Woods point out, ‘Inequality with in the traditional conception of world order is a positive, restraining, and ordering force. It permits the operation of a balance of power as a substitute for the centralized authority of a Hobbesian Leviathan in domestic politics. At the same time, hierarchy in the international system, or the imbalance of power, has never meant a strict imposition of the absolute will of the most powerful state or states.’ (Hurrell and Woods 1999: p.9) The essential point here is that the exercising of such residual power, whether through economic hegemony or more direct means, may be profoundly corrosive of more general movements towards a globalizing community. As Risse enquires, ‘Does the INGO world then represent a ‘global civil society†¦or does it merely reproduce Western enlightenment values such as universalism, individualism, progress and cosmopolitanism? INGOs as part and parcel of a â€Å"world culture† dominated by Western liberal hegemony?’ (Risse 2002: p.260) As Risse points out, ‘Globally operating MNC’s do not all look alike, but maintain a distinct institutional features pertaining to their organizational structure and culture which originate from the national institutional environment in which the mother company operates.’ (Risse 2002: p.261) Just as Risse identifies this trait at a macro level from an academic perspective, so intra-industry analysts such as Hofstede have noted the same patterns of behaviour at a micro level, in attempting to isolate the visceral cultural resilience of global organizations. ‘From a practical perspective, the cultural variables described by the model are intuitively appealing because of their†¦.relationship to the management process.’ (Leopold et al. 2005: p.307). Albeit in a reductive sense, Hofstede’s taxonomies of uncertainty avoidance, power distance, masculinity/femininity, individualism/collectivism, and long-term orientation, combine to inform us of t he cultural factors which underlay supposedly seamless multinational integrations. (Hofstede 2003). Such analyses have direct political applications as well as their corporate usage: for example, the perceived Chinese intolerance of uncertainty has, it is alleged, been invoked by joint official and media interventions to choke off demand for political emancipation. As Rachman has commented, ‘†¦fear of â€Å"chaos† is frequently stirred up to fend off demands for political liberalisation.’ (Rachman, 2008: n.p.) Such distinctions may have implications far beyond the corporate context, reaching out into the world of media: this arguably, takes in the concept of the public sphere identified by Habermas and his successor theorists, as the context for a renegotiation of civil polity. Most analysts of globalization invoke the proliferation of international media channels as profoundly constructive of the phenomenon: to date however, there has been comparatively little discussion of the way in which this might genuinely engender an internationalist perspective on politics. As Adler points out, Habermas’s social theory ‘†¦explained how emancipatory interests became reconstructed in both theory and practice and especially how deliberative democratic processes helped people free themselves from distorted communication.’ (Adler 2002: p.97). In other words, this aspect of globalization might be one in which its specifically emancipatory and political dimensions could be realize d. As Habermas himself points out, the social realization of this sphere enabled its predominantly bourgeois actors to ‘†¦engage in a debate over the general rules governing relations in the basically privatized but publicly relevant sphere of commodity exchange and social labour.’ (Habermas 2003: p.27). The parallels between the historically specific inception of this process, and contemporary developments of globalization, are arguably strong. As Habermas again points out, ‘The medium of this political confrontation was peculiar and without historical precedent: people’s public use of their reason†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ (Habermas 2003: p.27). There are of course a number of balancing considerations to be acknowledged before the true political significance of this can be realistically assessed. As Thompson points out, ‘†¦the exchange of information and symbolic content in the social world takes place in contexts of mediated interaction quasi-interaction, rather than in contexts of face-to-face interaction between individuals who share a common locale.’ (Thompson, 2001: p.87). Perhaps more significant here than the idea of ‘locale’ is that of interest, or of the common bond inherent in relations of production – or other unifying tendencies – which might support a political reification. Nor can it be denied that there are specific aspects of Habermas’s theory which militate directly against the politicization of the global community, and in fact point to direct opposite situation. This is especially noticeable in Habermas’s idea of the ‘refeudalization’ of the public sphere, during which the emancipatory power of the media is neutralised by the elites who control it. Robins and Webster see this as ‘†¦the dominance of corporative forms within which discussion is not public but is increasingly limited to technicians and bureaucrats’, through which the public sphere becomes ‘†¦a condition of organizational action, to be instrumentally managed – i.e. manipulated.’ (Robins and Webster 2006: p.94). Neither can it be overlooked that in many sites of intense economic liberalization, such as in China, there appears to be a comparative absence of commensurate political change, as evidenced in the associated media and educational spheres. As Rachman indicates, ‘†¦.the need to recover national strength and for China to regain its rightful place in the world is a constant theme. One western professor at a Beijing university – who is generally very positive about modern China – cannot help worrying that many of his students â€Å"seem to have been taught that an eventual war with America is inevitable†.’. (Rachman, 2008: n.p.). In conclusion then, it may just as relevant to ascertain the extent to which ‘Transnational Actors’ operate as arbiters of genuine political change, as it is to demonstrate their function as organic intellectuals in a world body politic. In other words, it is one thing – as Risse has done – to show that they are a significant and diffuse element within globalization as a whole. This, it may be argued, shows that the latter are significant within the converging operation of pre-existing political systems, and does not of itself undermine the concept or operation of globalization. However, it also demonstrates that the latter merely amplifies the existing international political status quo, without substantially altering it. This is especially pertinent if economic liberalization is to continue as the essential arbiter of globalization, and any attending social changes. As Altman points out, ‘From a Kantian perspective, a corporation can have no respons ibility at all†¦ it is a tool, and a good tool performs its designated function well, a good corporation maximizes profits for its shareholders.’ (Altman 2007: p.261) Neither has the onset of globalization analyses substantially undermined conventional understandings or interpretations of the manner in which states interact. As Hopf reminds us, ‘Durable expectations between states require intersubjective [sic] identities that are sufficiently stable to ensure predictable patterns of behaviour.’ (Hopf 1998: p.176). The contrast between constructivism and realism remains as distinctive as ever, as Hopf again indicates. ‘†¦constructivism†¦assumes that the selves, or identities, of states are a variable; they†¦depend on historical, cultural, political, and social context.’ (Hopf 1998: p.176). A realist position meanwhile proposes that the state, ‘†¦in international politics, across space and time†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ has a Ã¢â‚¬Ë œÃ¢â‚¬ ¦single eternal meaning†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ (Hopf 1998: p.176) Correspondingly, from this perspective, the realist model is too reductive, assuming that all actors in global policy can possess only one meaningful identity, ‘†¦that of self-interested states†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ (Hopf 1998: p.176). Whether one is an adherent of the constructivist or realist school, or merely takes both into account in assessing international politics, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that sovereign self interest, and intra-state sectional interests, are still well to the fore in determining the nature of politics. In this respect, the whole phenomenon of globalization begins to appear strongly redolent of earlier, supposedly more discretely evolved systems. As Zurn points out, the process of political change through economic interdependence is conditional upon several agencies, through which is achieved an overall reduction of distance and difference. ‘In a material sense, people o f different societies grow closer to each other and get to know each other better. In addition, increased transnational transactions necessarily create an economic interest in the maintenance of good transnational relations. The interest of strengthened export capital is one reason for the stability of free trade since the Second World War.’ (Zurn 2002: p.239). The problem with this interpretation of events is that it appears highly evocative of pre-1914 optimism about the stabilizing influence of free-trade liberalism. Only forthcoming events will fully reveal whether or not Third Way neo-liberalism is any better placed to provide the panacea which its classical antecedent manifestly failed to do. Meanwhile, as Risse concludes, there two substantive issues which must be addressed before what he terms ‘global governance’ can acquire legitimacy: the ‘democratic deficit’ perceived in the nature of supra-national or federalist aggregations of states such as the EU, and the obstacles which might preclude a ‘cosmopolitan democracy’. (Risse 2002: p.269). It remains to be seen whether these achievements an offset the tensions inherent in a globalizing eonomy. Bibliography Adler, E., ‘Constructivism and International Relations’, in Carlsnaes, W., Risse, T., and Simmons, B.A., (eds), (2002), Handbook of Internatiional Relations, Sage London, pp.95-118, p.97. Altman, M.C., (2007), ‘The Decomposition of the Corporate Body’, Journal of Business Ethics, Vol.74, No.3, pp.253-266, Springer, USA. Bouckaert, L., (1994), ‘Business and Community’ in Harvey, B., (1994), (ed), Business Ethics, a European Approach, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs NJ. pp.154-191. Brewster, D., ‘Sustainability Report Seeks the Facts’, Financial Times siteà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¨Published: Dec 09, 2007, INTERNET, available at http://search.ft.com/ftArticle?queryText=sustainabilityy=4aje=truex=13id=071209000018ct=0page=2, [viewed 9.11.08], n.p Carlsnaes, W., Risse, T., and Simmons, B.A., (eds), (2002), Handbook of Internatiional Relations, Sage London. Chryssides, G.D. and Kaler, J.H. (Eds), (1993) An Introduction to Business Ethics, Chapman and Hall, London. K. Chryssides, G.D. and Kaler, J.H., (1996) Essentials of Business Ethics, McGraw-Hill Crane. A., and Matten, D., (2007), Business Ethics, 2nd Edition, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Crane, A., Matten., D., (2004), Business Ethics: A European Perspective, Oxford. De George, R. T., ( 1995 ) , Business Ethics, 4th Edition, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Dickie, M., and Waters R., ‘Web guidelines aim at repressive governments’, Financial Times, 29 Oct 2008, INTERNET, available at http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/37db7c58-a507-11dd-b4f5-000077b07658.html [viewed 12.11.08] Donaldson, T., and Werhane, P.H., (1988), Ethical Issues in Business: A Philosophical Approach, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J. Fisher, C., Lovell, A., (2006), Business Ethics and Values, 2nd edition, Prentice Hall, London. Habermas, J. (2003), The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, London: Polity. Hart, S.L., (2007), Capitalism at the Crossroads: Aligning Business, Earth and Humanity, 2nd Edition, Wharton, Upper Saddle River, N.J. Hill., A., ‘The eco-goddess and the industrialist: a double loss’, Financial Times, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¨Published: Sep 11, 2007, INTERNET, available at http://search.ft.com/ftArticle?queryText=body+shopy=5aje=truex=12id=070911010713ct=0page=4, [viewed 15.3.08], n.p. Gerte Hofstede Cultural Dimensions Website, INTERNET, available at http://www.geert-hofstede.com/hofstede_dimensions.php?culture1=95culture2=18#compare [viewed 7.5.08] Hofstede, G., (2003), Cultures and Organizations: Intercultural Cooperation and its Importance for Survival, Profile Business, London. Hooley, G., Saunders, J., Piercy, N., (2004) Marketing Strategy and Competitive Positioning (3rd Edition) Prentice Hall, Essex. Hurrell, A., and Woods, N., (1999) , Inequality, Globalization and World Politics, Oxford University Press, Oxford. Lee, K., Carter, S., (2005), Global Marketing Management: Changes, Challenges and New Strategies, Oxford, p.211. Leopold, J., Harris, L., and Watson, T., (2005), The Strategic Managing of Human Resources, Prentice Hall, London. Monks, R., and Minow, N., (2004), Corporate Governance, Basil Blackwell, Oxford. Post, J., Lawrence, A.T., and Weber, J., (2002), Business and Society: Corporate Strategy, Public Policy, Ethics, McGraw Hill, Boston. Rachman, G., ‘Illiberal capitalism: Russia and China chart their own course’, Financial Times, Published: January 8 2008, INTERNET, available at http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/f7aa8626-be00-11dc-8bc9-0000779fd2ac.html, [viewed 7.5.08] Risse, T., ‘Transnational Actors and World Politics’, in Carlsnaes, W., Risse, T., and Simmons, B.A., (eds), (2002), Handbook of Internatiional Relations, Sage London, pp.255-274. Robins, K., and Webster, F., (2006), ‘From Pubic Sphere to Cybernetic State’, in Hassan, R. (ed.)(2006), The New Media Theory Reader, Maidenhead: Open University Press. Scruton, R., (1983), A Dictionary of Political Thought, Pan, London. Thompson, J.B, (2001), The Media and Modernity: A Social Theory of the Public Sphere, London: John Libby. Vogel, D., (2005), The Market for Virtue: the Potential and Limits of Corporate Social Responsibility, Brookings, Washington DC. Williams, E., (1964), Capitalism and Slavery, Andre Deutsch, London. Zurn, M., ‘From Interdependence to Globalization’, in Carlsnaes, W., Risse, T., and Simmons, B.A., (eds), (2002), Handbook of Internatiional Relations, Sage London. Zyglidopoulos, S.C., and Fleming, P.J., (2008), ‘Ethical Distance in Corrupt Firms’, Journal of Business Ethics , Vol.78, pp.265-274

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Nutrition and The Journey of Life Essay

Caring for and fueling our bodies requires for the mother to take prenatal vitamins in order to meet us to keep a balanced nutrition. Just as our bodies The nutritional needs of the growing fetus. need the right nutrition’s so does a embryo, futons and baby in order to grow and develop properly. Nutrition and pregnancy The mother must make good nutritional The first eight weeks after fertilization which choices such as eating foods such as the ones is known as the embryonic stage the embryo gets its illustrated above rather then processed foods and nutrition from the lining of the uterus, but after week snacks that will provide little nutrients, these good 9 of development the growing fetus will get its nutritional habits can be practiced after birth and oxygen and nutrients from the placenta. Can be taught to the baby. The fetus is growing everyday which requires a If the nutritional needs of the fetus are not met variety of nutrients such as calcium, copper, folic acid, several health concerns may occur such as iron,vitamins A, B6, C, D and E. The demand for these Complications with fetal development, fetal size nutrients by the fetus will have to be met by having a organs, brain, and may cause a miscarriage and proper and Healthy diet, but it may also be necessary death of the infant and or mother. Post Birth Nutrition Additional Information From conception to birth the process of creating Having the proper knowledge of the nutritional baby requires a lot of energy and nutrient for the mother needs of the body before conception and post and the developing fetus, after the birth of the baby the child birth is very important for the well being newborn will continue to need nutrient in order to grow of the mother, fetus, and baby. The are several and develop. The baby will receive it nutrient from milk resources that people can use to learn more for the first year of its life so it is important to decide about the nutritional needs of the mother and weather the baby will consume breast mil or formula. fetus, listed below are some of these resources. Breast milk VS. Formula 1. Chosemyplate.gov Breast milk is the perfect food for babies it contains all 2. Medline Plus webpage and call center the nutrients that the baby will need to grow and 3. Baby center develop . Unlike formula breast milk contains properties 4. Seek the advice of your doctor that protect against infections such as white blood cells  also breast milk can pass on immune shots that the mother  may receive such as a flu shot. Formula are getting better  through he years to mach the ingredients found in breast   milk such as DHA and ARA. References Choose my plate. (2016). Retrieved from http://www.choosemyplate.gov/pregnancy-breastfeeding/pregnancy-nutritional-needs.html Grosvendr, M., & Gmolin, L. (2012). Visualizing Nutrition Everyday Choices (2nd ed.). Retrieved from .

Thursday, January 9, 2020

Top How to Write a Paper Fast Secrets

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Wednesday, January 1, 2020

William Golding - 1565 Words

William Gerald Golding published his first book in 1954 at the age of forty-three. He had a late start, but that did not hinder his writing ability. Golding grew up in Cornwall, England and joined the British Royal Navy at the age of thirty-nine. Consequently, he was in World War II and witnessed the D-Day invasion at Normandy, which destroyed his optimism and scarred him for life. William Golding was a well achieved and admired person in British literature, and his life experiences, including WWII, greatly influenced his works especially Lord Of The Flies. Golding had a very fascinating life. He was born to Alec and Mildred Golding on September 19, 1911 in Cornwall, England. His father was a schoolmaster at Marlborough Grammar†¦show more content†¦By the 1960’s, Lord Of The Flies was being taught all over the world. It was even advised that Peace Corps volunteers read it. With this book, Golding realized that one must write for oneself, and not just an audience. The more one writes for an audience, the more disappointed one can get. If one writes for oneself, one does not care what the people say about one’s book. The author is just happy that it was written. Lord Of The Flies took Golding from his unknown person, to a very well known and admired person in British literature. Although Golding was very well know and admired, he never had any desire for his books to be made into movies. Golding only signed away the film rights to Lord Of The Flies because he was in a period of financial need. Consequently, Lord Of The Flies has two movie adaptations. One was made in 1963 by Peter Brook, and the other one was a Hollywood version made in 1990. Golding saw the 1963 version, and he said that it was ‘as good as could have been expected’ and that he had no desire to see the Hollywood version. Golding believed that people were supposed to approach his novels as readers, and â€Å"Those with an interest in his work must take the time and trouble to sit and read it, and then reflect on its significance to their lives.† Golding loosely based Lord Of The FliesShow MoreRelatedThe Lord Of The Flies By William Golding1347 Words   |  6 Pages The theme of The Lord of the Flies, by William Golding, is the reason society is flawed is because people are flawed. Although Piggy is knowledgeable, he has many flaws including his laziness and physical inabilities. Ralph is an authority seeker. He sets rules and laws, yet does little to enforce them. Ralph wants to be the ruler, without doing the work to enforce his laws. Jack is persistent. He is rude, harsh and violent in order to get what he wants. He wants to be supreme. Piggy’s flaws areRead MoreLord Of The Flies By William Golding869 Words   |  4 PagesLord of the Flies Psychology Sometimes people wear fake personas like a cloak over their shoulders, used to hide what is really underneath. This harsh reality is witnessed in William Golding’s classic Lord of the Flies, a novel that is famous for not only its sickening plot, but also for the emotional breakdowns all of its characters experience. These issues are akin to those shown in certain real-world psychological experiments. A summary of Golding’s Lord of the Flies, combined with the evidenceRead MoreThe Lord of the Flies by William Golding1306 Words   |  5 PagesIn The Lord of the Flies, William Golding creates a microcosm that appears to be a utopia after he discharged from the British Royal Navy following World War II. After an emergency landing, Golding places a diverse group of boys on the island that soon turns out to be anything but utopia. The island the boys are on turns out to be an allegorical dystopia with inadequate conditions (Bryfonski 22). The boys reject all lessons they l earned from their prior British society, and they turn towards theirRead MoreThe Lord Of The Flies By William Golding1065 Words   |  5 PagesThe Lord of the Flies Essay The Lord of the Flies written by William Golding and published on September 17, 1954 is a story told about a group of stranded boys and their fight for survival against the wilderness and themselves. In this story many signs of symbolism are used by Golding to point out certain aspects of society that Golding thought strongly of. This story on first read may just seem to be a survival- esque piece of literature but, on a deeper look one can find Golding’s true motiveRead MoreLord Of The Flies By William Golding1316 Words   |  6 PagesIn William Golding’s novel Lord of the Flies, we can see that Jack faces his own personal battle between himself and his want for power. Jack’s desire for dominance led him to commit evil acts for his own personal gain, than the greater good for all boys on the island. Jack claimed that he was fit for the role of leadership several times during the early chapters of the book. Golding stated that it was between Ralph and Jack who would lead and that Jack believed he should be chosen saying, â€Å" ‘I oughtRead MoreLord Of Flies By William Golding1508 Words   |  7 Pages In the ‘Lord of flies’ by William Golding, the theme of civilization vs. Savagery is explored. When a bunch of children are stranded on an island, the conflict between savagery and the rules of civilization begins to split the boys into two groups. Throughout the novel, the conflict is exaggerated by the two main characters, Ralph and Jack. While Ralph uses his abilities to control the kids and be civilized on the island. Jack lets his impulses get to him and creates a group of which act like savagesRead MoreLord Of The Flies By William Golding1751 Words   |  8 PagesDoes every human have an inbred evil quality within their soulful selves? Nobel-Prize winning author, William Golding accurately exemplifies the fact that evil is an inborn characteristic in â€Å"Lord of the Flies† one of his finest books explain ing to his readers the acrimonious truth about human nature. Golding started establishing his pessimistic view about human nature throughout his times at World War Two where he came to realize that everyone has some sort of cruelty within them and it is a naturalRead MoreLord Of The Flies By William Golding1517 Words   |  7 Pagesimportance on the one person and their abilities, the latter emphasizes the need to put the common good of the group before any single individual. â€Å"Lord of the Flies† by William Golding explores this ideological struggle through an allegory that pits two boys – Ralph and Jack – and their respective philosophies against each other. Golding portrays Ralph as a relatable, sympathetic main character whose key focus is rescue from the island the boys are stranded on. As a foil to his character, Jack’s mainRead MoreLord Of The Flies By William Golding1331 Words   |  6 PagesIn Lord of the Flies by William Golding, there are many characters that are great examples of good and bad leaders. Most readers perceive Ralph as a good leader, while Jack is a bad leader. Other characters, such as Simon and Piggy, are seen as somewhere in the middle. There are many qualities, good and bad, in all of these characters throughout the book. Looking at the events that happened on the island can help a reader see which character is the best leader. There are multiple qualities of a goodRead MoreLord of the Flies by William Golding1585 Words   |  7 Pages Lord of the Flies by William Golding is a fictional novel highlighting natural characteristics of man kind. The Book was created during the post World War II period. Before creating this novel, William had experience in the navy where he learned of the nature of mankind. The introduction of the book portrays a plane crash where a large group of boys are stranded on an island. Here they grow in character and human instincts such as leadership, brutality, and survival are displayed